Watch The Imposter Online (2017)

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Fighting Slovakia's far right online and on the streets Slovakia. Ruzomberok, Slovakia - When 6. Jan Bencik's son created a Facebook account for him after he retired four years ago, he saw little reason to log in, save for boredom.

Just over a year ago, however, he discovered a way to make social media useful: tracking and doxing Slovakia's far right. On a frigid afternoon in March, the retiree steps into a local pizza parlour and shakes the snow off his winter coat.

He takes a seat on a sofa in the corner of the room, removes his laptop from its leather case and flips it open. The former phone technician and publishing house employee opens a folder on his desktop, pulling up screenshots of social media posts, most of them since deleted, by far- right social media users. He points a finger at an image on the screen.

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It shows a hefty Slovak man wearing a backwards baseball cap and a wide grin as he lays on a charred oven in the Auschwitz concentration camp in Poland. His arms are tattooed with coded numbers and neo- Nazi imagery.

Bencik publishes photos like this on the front page of his blog, where he dumps the personal information - name, phone number and address - a practice known as "doxing", of those who post white supremacist, neo- Nazi and racist content on social media. Slovakia's largest media outlets have profiled Bencik, nicknaming him the "fascist hunter" on magazine covers and in television reports. Among those he has outed are sitting parliamentarians from Kotleba - People's Party Our Slovakia (LSNS) - a far- right party with neo- Nazi roots and a swelling following.

After it was founded from the ashes of the now- defunct Slovak Togetherness National Party in 2. LSNS was largely considered a ragtag band of inconsequential hardliners. Showtime Full No Limit Online Free.

But that all changed in March 2. National Council, Slovakia's parliament.

Before those elections, polls had estimated that the party would clinch between 1. In fact, nearly one in every 1. LSNS. Many of their legislators now frequent the halls of government buildings, with a handful sitting on parliamentary committees such as the one tasked with advancing domestic human rights."Look at this one," Bencik says. He motions to the screen again. On it, this time, is a Facebook post written by a LSNS legislator. In both English and Slovak, the legislator quotes the infamous hate slogan known as "1. American white supremacist David Lane: "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children."He clicks to the next post: "Nothing will save us but killing all the Jews."And another: "Slovakia is not Africa!"With parties like the LSNS focusing much of their recruitment activity online, Bencik's work has landed him in the far- right's crosshairs.

He has received angry messages and death threats. The death threats - promising public hanging, stabbing and shooting, among other forms of violent retribution - have failed to deter Bencik, but he has lived under police protection on and off for the past year. I cannot give them the pleasure of [not blogging] about them," he explains. Since the LSNS made its electoral gains, his work has assumed a heightened significance, he says, bobbing his head to the music coming from the restaurant's overhead speakers. Come on, baby, do the locomotion with me," he sings along softly, before exploding into laughter. Switching back to the conversation, he jokes: "They are as brave as Arnold Schwarzenegger and post their muscley photos from the gym; but when you write about them, they get scared and delete the posts."Stepping onto the stage. The LSNS was founded seven years ago by Marian Kotleba, who is the party's namesake and was formerly an open neo- Nazi.

Its members used to march through cities, towns and villages across Slovakia in black uniforms modelled on those worn by the Hlinka Guard, the military of the First Slovak Republic (1. Nazi satellite state during World War II. They have now exchanged their black garb for green polos emblazoned with the party's signature double cross emblem.

And their anti- Semitic rhetoric has been largely replaced with anti- Roma incitement, ostensibly considered a more socially acceptable form of racism. But the party's platform, laid out on its official website, preserves much of its original commitment to ultra- nationalism and Christian identity. Roma are "social parasites" and "terrorists", while the United States, the European Union, NATO and Israel are enemies plotting against the Slovak nation, they argue.

Keeping to its custom of rarely speaking to foreign media, the LSNS failed to reply to Al Jazeera's numerous requests for an interview. Although it isn't the only actor in the crowded political terrain of Slovakia's far right, Kotleba and his followers have managed the most successful shift from the fringes to the corridors of power. Alena Kluknavska, a post- doctoral researcher at Masaryk University in the neighbouring Czech Republic, says the LSNS used a three- prong strategy to build its base while simultaneously eschewing traditional electoral campaigning.

There were no LSNS television commercials, no rallies and no images of Kotleba's face pasted on billboards. Instead, the LSNS focused on visiting poor communities, exploiting tensions between white Slovaks and Roma and cultivating a following through "nationalist, xenophobic and populist" sentiment in the online sphere, says Kluknavska. Railing against Roma, Muslims and other religious and ethnic minorities, the LSNS made a point of providing financial support to impoverished Slovak families living in communities feeling the pains of institutional deprivation. By "positioning itself as the advocate and defender of 'ordinary' people", she argues, the LSNS has been able to sculpt a presence beyond the digital sphere, with a growing number of foot soldiers on the streets.'Like living in heaven'The signs of Kotleba's increasing strength were present long before the 2. Watch Blackout Online Facebook there. In the Banska Bystrica region, Kotleba has been governor since 2. On a drab morning at Banska Bystrica's Slovak National Uprising Museum, director Stanislav Micev passes through the fluorescent- lit hallway and into a conference room.

The walls are a mosaic of war, with paintings of guerilla fighters and rifles, ammunition belts and army helmets fastened to the walls. Micev, who plans to challenge Kotleba for the regional gubernatorial seat in the autumn, is a large man who gesticulates as he speaks. With his heavy hands momentarily clasped on the oak table in front of him, he describes the LSNS as anti- Semitic, anti- black, anti- European and anti- democratic. READ MORE: The rise of Germany's anti- refugee right "They bought green shirts and put away those black outfits, but those uniforms are still sitting in storage somewhere," he says. For the LSNS, the First Slovak Republic and its head of state, President Jozef Tiso, who was also a Catholic priest, represent the country's first successful attempt at sovereignty.

Those five years, during which an estimated 7. Jews were deported to Nazi concentration camps, have been described by Kotleba as "like living in heaven". In 1. 94. 4, some 6. Slovak National Uprising, taking up arms against the government and its German allies.

Losing ground and men daily, Tiso fled the country when the Soviet army occupied it in April 1. He was later arrested in Bavaria and extradited to what had become communist Czechoslovakia.

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